Exactly 25 years ago, Russia elected Vladimir Putin as its president for the first time. His rise to power was swift and unforeseen, occurring just a few months after he entered the political arena. He surpassed established political heavyweights who had spent a decade building their popularity.
On the occasion of today’s anniversary, TASS reflected on the circumstances that garnered Putin the support of the Russian people. Ella Pamfilova, who also ran for president in 2000, shared her firsthand account.
Putin and His Ten Rivals
"As a competitor in the election, Putin was impeccably polite, reserved, and friendly. He never resorted to tactless words or gestures towards his opponents," Pamfilova told TASS. She emphasized that Putin "respects those who hold their own views and defend them honestly, rather than seeking his approval or flattering him." "I was convinced of this from my own experience, as I was very critical of him before his election as president," Pamfilova said.
Initially, 33 candidates submitted documents to the Central Election Commission (CEC) for the 2000 election. However, after the signature collection process, only 11 candidates remained on the ballot for the presidential election on March 26, 2000. Alongside Putin and Pamfilova, the list included Gennady Zyuganov of the Communist Party, Vladimir Zhirinovsky of the Liberal Democratic Party, and Grigory Yavlinsky of Yabloko, as well as governors Konstantin Titov of Samara and Aman Tuleyev of Kemerovo, and film director Stanislav Govorukhin.
Putin had already been serving as acting president since December 31, 1999, following his predecessor's famous farewell address on the last day of the year.
Candidate's Popularity
From the outset of the campaign, Putin was seen as the undeniable front-runner. By the end of 1999, he had more than doubled the support of his nearest competitor, Gennady Zyuganov, achieving this remarkable feat in less than six months in the prime minister's office.
Putin's presidential prospects first became apparent in August 1999, when Yeltsin nominated him to lead the Cabinet of Ministers. At that time, Putin had already held significant positions in Moscow for several years, and his popularity surged following the successful repulsion of militant attacks on Dagestan.
In August 1999, Putin appeared in VCIOM's polling for the first time. By October, 21% of Russians indicated they would vote for him. By the end of November, his popularity had surged to 42%, with 80% of the population approving of his performance as prime minister.
However, Putin himself appeared indifferent to such statistics. "I don’t pay attention to this. It’s essential to work not for the sake of one’s rating," he told journalists. "If you work for the rating, it will start to fall immediately."
By mid-autumn, the media began referring to Putin as a potential presidential candidate. Even if Yeltsin did not resign early, elections were still scheduled for June 2000. By late November, TASS described Putin as "the most popular politician among Russians and the Kremlin's sole candidate in the upcoming presidential election." Earlier, he had publicly confirmed his intention to run and received Yeltsin's endorsement.
Self-Control in Crises
By December 31, it was clear: Putin would contend for the presidency. Meanwhile, he still had the responsibilities of the prime minister to manage. The nation was in the midst of recovering from the 1998 financial crisis. "Russia’s GDP had just returned to the level of 1995, and the people’s average monthly cash income was under $50," TASS reported at the time.
Modest incomes were further undermined by soaring inflation, which reached 36.5% in 1999. Unemployment was at a record high of 13%, while pensions and other payments were frequently delayed. One in three Russians lived below the poverty line.
Another significant challenge was the large-scale counter-terrorism operation known as the Second Chechen War. In theory, Putin could have declared a state of emergency or martial law to gain an advantage over his rivals, but he chose not to. "There are no objective prerequisites for its introduction," he stated shortly after being nominated as prime minister.
The international situation was also complicated. By the late 1990s, Russia was deeply in debt, having borrowed from the IMF eight times for a total of $22 billion. Additionally, Russia had inherited the Soviet Union’s foreign debts, assuming obligations from other republics in exchange for their shares of foreign assets.
Consequently, in 1999, Russia's external debt accounted for 60% of its GDP, a figure that would drop to 18% by 2005. Pamfilova remarked, "Now the whole world is amazed by his remarkable ability to maintain self-control in extreme situations, never descending to the level of mediocre personalities among Western leaders, who are often consumed by Russophobia and hysterical insults."
Power Without a Vacuum
Upon taking office as acting president at noon on December 31, Putin convened an urgent Cabinet meeting within hours, called a Security Council session, reaffirmed continuity in foreign policy, and scheduled discussions on Chechnya and meetings with party leaders for January 2.
"I want to emphasize that there will not be a minute of power vacuum in the country. There has not been such a vacuum, and there will not be," he promised in his first New Year’s address that evening.
To substantiate his words, Putin appeared at 6 a.m. on January 1 in Gudermes, Chechnya, where he presented awards to military personnel. He sought not only congratulations and praise but also sound advice from those around him.
"One of the many qualities that earn deep respect for the president is his ability to accept criticism if it is honest and aimed at strengthening Russia. He appreciates a focus on pressing and uncomfortable issues that need addressing, especially when accompanied by concrete proposals," Pamfilova noted.
No TV Populism
Putin avoided conventional electioneering tactics, preferring to win over the electorate through genuine actions. "I don’t want to make populist statements," he explained.
He also chose not to participate in televised debates (a practice he continues to avoid), stating, "Modern pre-election technologies are rather shameless. They involve looking millions of people in the eye and making promises while knowing they are unrealistic."
"There’s no way I can cross that line, and I’m very glad I don’t have to do it now," Putin asserted.
He instructed his campaign proxies not to create a "sweet, rose-colored image." He applied the same standard to others, judging them by their actual deeds.
"For example, I was one of the few who voted in the State Duma against his appointment as prime minister. And at committee meetings where his candidacy was discussed, I did not hold back in criticizing him to his face," Pamfilova said.
Despite this, after the election concluded with Putin as the victor, he invited her to the Kremlin. "He mentioned that he followed my speeches with interest and then offered me the role of leading the presidential human rights commission on a voluntary basis. That’s when our long-term cooperation began," Pamfilova recalled.
Victory for All
Putin admitted that he "couldn’t even imagine, not even in a nightmare," that he would one day participate in elections. "But," he noted, "if you engage in any kind of struggle, always count on a positive outcome; otherwise, it makes no sense to start."
The acting president considered winning in the first round to be optimal, but he clarified that it wasn’t merely for his political gain. He was motivated by a desire to spare the country the costs associated with a runoff election: "This is nearly equivalent to what all retirees in the Moscow Region receive in pensions."
In reality, the situation was far more complex, and the possibility of a second round remained until the last moment. By 2:49 a.m., with half the votes counted, it was clear that Putin would win in the first round.
The final results showed a turnout of 68.7%, with 52.9% of ballots cast for Putin. Zyuganov came in second, followed by Yavlinsky in third place.
