Criticize and Weaponize

Canada's support for human rights is not new. It's well known Saudi Arabia does not play by liberal rules. So when in August Canada openly criticised the arrest of activists in the kingdom, it was hardly a diplomatic reversal.

Yet the Saudis reacted angrily, robustly dismissed the claims  and ended several cultural and business ties in Canada. Why should Saudia Arabia react this way? What does this mean for the country's ambitious reform program? And what was the global reaction?

The incident began with the arrest of women's rights advocates Samar Badawi and Nassima al-Sadah. Other activists and journalists were arrested earlier in 2018. The Canadian foreign ministry was "gravely concerned about additional arrests of civil society and women's rights activists" and "urge the Saudi authorities to immediately release them and all the other peaceful human rights activists".

Saudi Arabia responded quickly. "The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia will not accept interference in an internal affair or imposed diktats from any country", as this was in "contradiction to the most basic international norms and all the charters governing relations between states".

Saudi Arabia expelled Canada's ambassador, suspended new investment trade deals with Ottawa, canceling flights between the countries. More than 1000 Saudi scholarship students in Canada are to return home.

As Saudi Arabia was supported by Bahrain and UAE, Canada's Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland reasserted "Canada will always stand up for the protection of human rights, very much including women's rights".

Saudi Arabia defended itself before against perceived interference in domestic affairs. Germany's criticism of Saudi's role in the war in Yemen was also rebuffed. When Sweden questioned the arrest of blogger Raif Budawai work visas for Swedes were canceled.

Canada and Germany's concern for human rights did not prevent them from exporting arms to the country. Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau agreed to honour a deal made by his predecessor to sell 900 armoured vehicles to Riyadh worth $11bn.

But the level of scrutiny the deal recevied after it was agreed may have angered the Saudis. For Thomas Juneau, assistant professor of Middle East politics at the University of Ottawa, this was "the spark that lit the fire".

The Saudis "were hoping for the Canadian government to take a much more proactive approach to defend and promote relations... which absolutely did not happen".

Germany provided Saudi Arabia with arms for three years during the war in Yemen, worth more than $1bn in 2017, before ending sales in 2018. Even so previously agreed deals would be honoured, including the sale of eight patrol boats.

There is then something of a double game in the major powers' relations with Saudi Arabia; and this can be seen in the international response to Canada's dispute over the activists.

The US state department noted: "It's up for the government of Saudi Arabia and the Canadians to work this out... We can't do it for them". The UK confirmed "Canada and Saudi Arabia are both close partners... and we urge restraint during the current situation".

Angered by the lack of unequivocal support, veteran Canadian liberal politician Bob Rae said "The Brits and the Trumpians run for cover and say 'we're friends of both the Saudis and the Canadians'. Thanks for the support on human rights, guys. We'll remember this one for sure".

While Rachel Curran, policy director for former PM Stephen Harper lamented "We don't have a single friend in the whole entire world".

But Saudi Arabia too has a multi-sided relationship with the west, both modernising and establishing itself as a regional power.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman wants to soften the country's image, diversify its economy and attract investors. He cut the powers of the religious police, jailed 56 royal family members for corruption, and ended the ban on women driving.

Visiting the US he met former New York mayor Bloomberg, media magnate Rupert Murdoch, TV celebrity Oprah Winfrey, leaders from Silicon Valley and Hollywood, and current and former presidents.

Saudi Arabia could be sensitive at this time of reform to perceptions of foreign meddling. Ali Shihabi of the Arabia Foundation in Washington says the prince is "managing an unprecedented and delicate reform process" with "outside denunciation making it more difficult".

Senior members of the Saudi government claim these are revolutionary times. "Everything is so sensitive. We must be patient until it all settles down." There is a realisation investors want transparency, and the prince made a pledge to "return Saudi Arabia to moderate Islam".

Others doubt the sincerity of this liberalisation, particularly when Saudi Arabia is seen by many as responsible for the war in Yemen, a blockade on Qatar, and trying to force the resignation of the Lebanese prime minister.

"It's a pretty clear message to the rest of the world", says Nader Hashemi from the University of Denver Center for Middle East Studies. "If you want to trade with Saudi Arabia, then you need to shut up on human rights".

He's "pushing this narrative of a new Saudi Arabia" says Shadi Hamid of the Brookings Institute Islamic World Project. "Simplistic messages of modernization... regardless of its authenticity".

Dr Hellyer, senior research fellow at the Atlantic Council questions the depths of these reforms, which are "restraining the more radical impulses rather than getting into the root of where that comes from."

Saudi Arabia dismissed Canadian criticism and continues to work closely with the US. There is talk of an Arab NATO, an alternative Iran deal brokered by Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner, Saudi Arabia has increased oil production to offset Iran sanctions.

Is it true, as Nader Hashemi claims the crown prince "believes he has Donald Trump in his back pocket" or does this provide, as Roland Paris a University of Ottawa professor believes "a glimpse of what the world looks like without the US advocating human rights"?