The intensification of Turkish international policy in Africa, Central Asia and the Balkans does not imply its lack of attention to other, already well-mastered areas. In particular, all-round efforts continue as regards the Russian regions that have a predominant Turkic, Muslim and Turkic-Muslim population. One of the priority areas is the North Caucasus, which is exposed to economic, political, cultural and ideological offensive.
An important news of recent weeks has been kicked-off production of the large-scale Shamil series in Turkey about the legendary imam's epic struggle with the Russian army. Admittedly, Turkish-made history series (of high quality, be it noted) have long been in demand in Russia, with a number of regions rendering them an especially warm welcome. In the North Caucasus, a large-scale TV show about Shamil will certainly get popular as can be. Moreover, the understandably focused retrospect clearly aims to produce certain thoughts about the here and now. Chechnya and Dagestan have a different, sometimes conflicting view of many Caucasian war storylines, with Ankara undoubtedly willing to consolidate it on anti-Russian grounds.
Efforts continue along another line providing an indispensable link between politics of memory and that of nowadays. This refers to the so-called "Circassian issue". On September 19, 2021, Kabardino-Balkaria hosted the 13th Congress of the Union of Public Associations International Circassian Association for Uniting the Circassian People and Promoting Relations of the Circassian Diaspora with their Historical Motherland under the slogan "In unity is our strength", which gave the organization's progress report over the past three years. The congress was attended by head of the Kabardino-Balkaria Republic Kazbek Kokov. The list of key guests included head of the Federation of Caucasian [Circassian in this context] Associations in Turkey (KAFFED) Yildiz Sekerci. KAFFED's rhetoric, "arithmetic average" tactics and strategy are known to be determined by the struggle and compromises between a slightly less anti-Russian and radically anti-Russian factions. The result is a kind of three-quarter Anti-Russian sentiment, with criticism of the International Circassian Association for its "undue compliance with Moscow."
The 25-people-strong Turkish delegation proved the largest in Nalchik. Among them was head of the Turkish Industry and Business Association (ethnic Circassian, by the way) Yusuf Taymaz, who announced his intention to expand economic cooperation geography. Delegation head Yildiz Sekerci and her colleagues from other countries held talks with the republic's leader. In an interview with the press, Sekerci said: "I am glad to be back in the historical homeland of my ancestors again. I consider it necessary to adequately represent the "voice" of Circassians living in Turkey... There, the older generation has steadfast living principles and a strong perception of what their ancestral homeland means to them – present-day Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachay-Cherkessia, Adygea... Two major universities in the country have already established groups for in-depth Adighe language and culture studies alongside the existing native language classes in almost all the cities and villages where the Adyghes live. I think KAFFED members have a vital mission of strengthening ties with compatriots." Also, as part of her regular Russian visit, the KAFFED head met with leaders of the Adygea State University to agree on closer educational cooperation.
By the way, visits by Turkish guests to Kabardino-Balkaria may once again become frequent and regular, as starting September 3, Nordwind Airlines has resumed flights along the Istanbul-Nalchik-Istanbul route interrupted two years ago.
Obviously, Turkey's presence in the North Caucasus, which was slightly hindered and partially made online over the coronavirus pandemic, will intensify again. This process will take place in parallel and squared with Ankara's augment in the South Caucasus, where it has already become the number one player. But no one is going to give up on the online soft power tools either. Projects like the Shamil series a physical presence in the region for the period of filming, after which the actors and directors will only come there to meet with their fans. And politicians who have weaponized their country's cinema sector to make it on par with the Bayraktars, don't have to go anywhere unless absolutely compelled.
