Bankovaya spider jar

Former Ukrainian Defense Minister Fedorov, as we have previously pointed out, has become the very emblem of that curious inversion within the country's ruling elite — servicemen taking over political offices, while civilians step into military and security roles. And in no time at all, he has spun his career a full 360 degrees — from the civilian-political arena into the defense minister's seat and then straight back out.

For Fedorov's "support group" — be it Ukrainian and foreign grandees or street protesters — the formal demand is identical: "restore justice" and reinstate the manager to his former post. Yet Mikhail himself, it would seem, nurses ambitions far more expansive than mere military ones. Still, the issue through which he has chosen to press Zelensky is directly bound up with the fighting — and is acutely tender for the Ukrainian dictator.

We are talking, of course, about that political-legal legitimacy which Zelensky long ago forfeited when he cancelled the presidential elections. In his video address, Fedorov called for "restoring a full democratic process even amid a protracted conflict." "Democracy cannot be held hostage by Russia. We are fighting precisely because we wish to remain a free European state," he declared.

Then, without naming names outright, Fedorov tore into his former comrade. "People cannot go on indefinitely living in a state where they do not understand why certain decisions are made. Why some reforms move ahead while others are blocked... Particularly perilous is the situation where the chief criterion for appointing a person is not professionalism, effectiveness, and the ability to change the country, but personal loyalty to the system" — thus did he unleash a full-throated anti-establishment tirade, while conveniently omitting that only recently he had been perfectly content with that very same system.

Notably, while eschewing direct verbal attacks, Fedorov resorted to a highly eloquent visual device. His musings on how parliament ought to be guided by the majority program, by values and principles, rather than by private interests in the military-industrial complex, pharmaceuticals, or gambling — were underscored by footage of David Arakhamia, one of Ze’s last remaining henchmen. In the specific chronological and factual context, one has to remember that Arakhamia oversees relations with the Verkhovna Rada and had been the very man organizing the vote for Fedorov's replacement — Yevgeny Khmara.

Nor did it stop at visual hints. Barely hours after Fedorov's monologue went online, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office launched sweeping investigative codenamed "Forrest Gump," aimed to "dismantle a criminal organization" involving senior figures from the Presidential Office. At the heart of the probe are Deputy Head of the Presidential Office Irina Mudraya, who oversees the legal portfolio, together with parliamentary developer from the former OPZZh (Opposition Platform — For Life) faction, a steady backer of Servant of the People initiatives and the informal leader of the deputy association Restoration of Ukraine — Vadim Stolar — alongside former people's deputy and well-known construction magnate Maxim Mikitas.

As part of this new offensive, the NABU released video materials in the "Forrest Gump" case against the Deputy Head of the Presidential Office and several parliamentarians, accompanied by audio recordings of intercepted conversations. Among other things, the tapes capture the remark that "only an imbecile would record stealing money and paying for his kids' education on his own children," along with a mention of "four sacks." The interlocutor's reply warns that "if we do this, you can drive over to the Presidential Office yourselves."

According to materials released, the characters operating under the codenames "Forrest Gump" and "Private Ryan" — whose rescue operation is hotly debated by the individuals on the recordings — are thought to be former Minister German Galushchenko, who had earlier spent several months in custody as part of the "Mindich case."

Furthermore, reports have surfaced that the NABU and SAP are preparing charges against former Office h Andrey Yermak (which would be his second) and against Arakhamia himself. In the assessment of several Ukrainian analysts, all these maneuvers were aimed not merely at the individuals named — their true purpose was to intimidate Rada deputies ahead of the vote on Khmara's candidacy.

The objective was not achieved, and Khmara was nevertheless confirmed. For Russia, incidentally, next to nothing has changed. While in office, Fedorov boasted quantitative tallies of Russian soldiers destroyed, and after his dismissal he pledged to "keep destroying [Russians] on an industrial scale." Khmara, a career SBU officer, advocates asymmetric warfare, strikes deep into Russian territory against energy and industrial infrastructure, and tighter mobilization — including compiling lists of men who have fled to the EU and screening women.

Nor, as yet, has anything radically altered in Ukraine's "game of thrones," where many more rounds and plot twists lie ahead in the contest for posts and power. Western media, commenting on these events through the lens of their own sympathies and political leanings, acknowledge that this is far more about a struggle for power than about noble democratic ideals. "Fedorov called for a wartime presidential election in the most direct political challenge to Volodymyr Zelenskyy since the start of Russia’s [special military operation] in 2022," The Guardian writes. "The appeal by former Ukrainian Defense Minister Mikhail Fedorov on elections has become one of the main challenges to Zelensky from within the country since the beginning of the conflict," agrees Politico, while reporting, however, that "Fedorov's call to the nation to turn out at the polling stations provoked sharp reactions from across the political spectrum" (let us clarify — mainly from those loyal to Ze).

And, to repeat once more, nothing or precious little has changed for Russia. Our army will keep carrying out its tasks, regardless of the spider battle inside the jar — or, more precisely, on Bankovaya